Strength is weakness

"Strength is weakness" The Age of the Strongman How the Cult of the Leader Threatens Democracy around the World GIDEON RACHMAN

DOMINIK PIETZCKER* Macromedia University, 2022

AFTER EASTERNISATION - WAR AND Easternisation, Rachman gave a poignant

Peace in the Asian Century (2016) comes portrayal of China’s growing economic,

the next extensive political analysis by Gi- political and military power as Asia’s unc-

deon Rachman, chief foreign affairs colum- hallenged hegemon. He clearly indicated a

nist for Financial Times and, for ten years, power and culture shift from the transatlan-

a prominent commentator on the political tic to the Indo-pacific hemisphere. In The

and geostrategic aspects of globalization. In Age of the Strongman, Rachman describes

* Since 2012, Dominik Pietzcker, Dr. Phil., is a full-time professor at Macromedia University of Applied Sciences, Hamburg and Berlin Campuses and a member of the Media Faculty. He studied philosophy, history and literature at the University of Freiburg/Br., Trinity College Dublin and in Vienna. From 1996 to 2010, he worked as a creative director for political public institutions (Federal Presidential Office, EU Commission, the German government’s Federal Press Department) and taught at Universität der Künste (UdK) Berlin and Technische Universität (TU) Dresden. Since 2014, he is an honorary juror at the Foundation of German Entrepreneurs (Stiftung der Deutschen Wirtschaft, SDW). He lectures at Darwin College, University of Cambridge and is a research fellow at Instinye University, Istanbul. Since 2017 he has held lectures at universities in China, at Zheijang University City College (Hangzhou) and Tongji University (Shanghai). He regularly publishes on intercultural, Sino-German, and socioeconomic topics.

90 How to cite: Pietzcker, D. (2022). Stength is weakness. [Review of the book The Age of Strongman,

Rachman, G.] BRIQ Belt & Road Initiative, 3(4), 90-92.

another kind of power shift, the potentially entirely new political style. Whether it is

dangerous and conflictive metamorphosis called authoritarianism, national populism,

in global political culture from relative to or neo-feudalism, what Rachman calls “the

absolute leadership. Rather alarmingly, Ra- politics of strongmen” all lead towards the

chman writes (p. 2): “The rise of strongmen same end, a concentration, if not monopo-

leaders across the world has fundamentally lization, of enormous wealth and power in

changed world politics. We are now in the the hands of very few individuals. The “iron

midst of the most sustained global assa- law of oligarchy” has described this accu-

ult on liberal democratic values since the mulation of influence within organizations,

1930s.” Although The Age of the Strong- or even whole nations, since its introducti-

man was written and published some weeks on by German sociologist Robert Michels

before the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, in 1911 (Zur Soziologie des Parteiwesens in

it perfectly fits into the actual political fra- der modernen Demokratie) and is not an

me of “might is right” and the enforcement entirely new historical phenomenon. Mo-

of so-called legitimate national interests dern history in the 20th century gave many

through sheer violence. If this primitive and often cruel, if not criminal, examples of

approach to solving antagonistic interests ruthless rulers that considered themselves

should prevail and become an example to grand national leaders.

others, be it individuals, nations, and their Today, the political and societal consequ-

political elites alike, any conflict led by any ences of “the age of strongmen” might dif-

means becomes imaginable and possible. fer. The strongman, as seen by Rachman,

The destructive potential is already at hand. is not necessarily an autocrat, “führer”, ty-

rant, “generalissimo”, or “caudillo”. It is a politician who, even if he has gained power through a democratic election, defies the

Whether it is called concept of a pluralistic society. As a popu-

authoritarianism, national list, the strongman depends on the acclaim

populism, or neo-feudalism, of political majorities; as a nationalist, he

what Rachman calls “the politics tends toward an aggressive foreign policy;

of strongmen” all lead towards as a traditionalist, he alludes to an imperial

the same end, a concentration, grandeur that belongs to the past. In an of-

if not monopolization, of ten complex – at least ambiguous – geopo-

enormous wealth and power litical constellation, strongmen offer quick

in the hands of very few solutions instead of complicated procedu-

individuals. res, crystal clear certainties instead of pa-

inful doubts, and hard decisions instead of elaborated and unsatisfying compromises.

In his essay, Rachman describes a tra- Rachman gives some examples: annexa-

ditional concept of power rather than an tion of the Crimean peninsula in 2014;

Brexit in 2016; the storm on the White That is nothing truly astonishing, as this

House at the end of Trump’s presidency in phenomenon was already perceived and

2020; and Chinese expansionism since Xi extensively described by such different

Jinping’s rise to power in 2012. Rachman’s writers as Tacitus, Montesquieu, and Sha-

list of strongman politicians is much kespeare, only to name the most promi-

longer, including, among others, Orbán nent exegetes of worldly power. Obvious-

(Hungaria), Erdogan (Turkey), Modi (In- ly, power in itself is a mighty temptation,

dia), Netanyahu (Israel), Mohammed bin but to refer to this idea is necessarily a

Salman (Saudi-Arabia), Duterte (Philip- truism. Seen from an intellectual viewpo-

pines), and Bolsonaro (Brazil). Arguably, int, “The Age of the Strongman” lacks ori-

the common denominator of all these po- ginality and does not have much to add

liticians is hard to find. What can be said to the concept of power as the “ultimate

about Boris Johnson that is equally true aphrodisiac” (Kissinger).

for Putin or Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia? Rachman is at his strongest when he

combines personal insights, anecdotal details, and general reflections: “The global

“The global battle of ideas is battle of ideas is waged not just by poli-

waged not just by politicians ticians but also by intellectuals” (p. 197).

but also by intellectuals” Technological progress (including mili-

tary means of mass destruction) is not matched by moral progress of any kind.

The “charismatic new leader” (p. 173), The strongman bears the same moral dan-

as described by Rachman, was already ger as any other human being, although

identified by Max Weber a hundred years his impact on the world is arguably bigger.

ago in his famous essay on the legitimi- Rachman’s book reminds us of the unlimi-

zation of political power (Wirtschaft und ted possibilities and, at the same time, the

Gesellschaft, 1919). Weber was the first to moral restrictions of power. Rule of law

introduce the religious idea of charisma is by far the better idea than the exertion

in the field of worldly power. Rachman of brutal force. Again, to quote Kissinger

simply stands on the shoulders of giants; (Reflections on Diplomacy, 2019Reflections on Diplomacy (2019). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.): “If you

his ideas derive from the tradition of deep don’t know what to do in a situation, sup-

political analysis from Alexis de Tocque- port the weaker against the stronger beca-

ville to Ernest Gellner and Isaiah Berlin. use you don’t want to encourage aggressi-

The concepts of nationalism and authori- on.” But this step demands strength – and

tarian rule of power go, at least in modern a strong man and a strong will, too. Even

times, hand in hand. Strongmen, as port- such an eminent commentator and sharp

rayed by Rachmann, are political newco- analyst of contemporary global politics as

mers that find growing pleasure in exce- Gideon Rachman could not solve the di-

eding personal and institutional power. lemma of the powerful.