International Security After the Arab Spring: Domestic and International Sources of the Syrian and Libyan Conflicts (2011-2020)

The so-called “arab spring” may be Spring mobilizations differed importantly in their

considered as the most significant geopolitical degree of civil society organization and the extent

event and the largest social mobilization that have of meddling by foreign powers (Otero & Gürcan,

shaped Greater Middle Eastern politics in the 2016: Chen, 2019/2020).

post-Cold War era. It was triggered in December Eventually, the Arab Spring turned into an

2010, when Tunisian working class and civic or- Arab “Winter” (Prashad, 2012Prashad (2012). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Koray, 2019/2020).

ganizations massed after the self-immolation of a In Egypt, with considerable popular support, the

street vendor who had been repressed by police July 2013 coup d’état restored military rule. Un-

forces. Social mobilization was so vigorous and der foreign intervention, Libya became mired in

united in its aims that the president was forced a full-fledged war that has produced tens of thou-

to resign after three weeks. Inspired by this suc- sands of casualties. Many foreign-backed merce-

cess, similar mobilizations began in Egypt, Lib- naries in Libya would eventually move on to the

ya, Syria and elsewhere. Indeed, the Arab Spring Syria campaign. Thanks to continued Western

conjuncture provided a unique opportunity for support, Syria and Libya were center stage of one

global and regional powers to take advantage of of the world’s largest humanitarian crises since

the emerging power vacuum in advancing their World War II (Otero & Gürcan, 2016; Gürcan,

own geopolitical interests. This being said, Arab 2019b; 2019e).

The severity of this situation in the Arab foreign-policy imperatives of key countries in-

Winter conjuncture prompts us to think about volved in the region, including Syria and Libya

the underlying causes that have led to such a (Gürcan, 2019eGürcan (2019e). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

wide-scale conflict with grave consequences In turn, what I call the domestic factors

for international security. Grasping these caus- concern Syria and Libya’s political-economic

al mechanisms would certainly improve our and political-ecological transitions. Particularly,

knowledge on how to prevent the emergence they are related to the exhaustion of Syria’s re-

and diffusion of such conflicts in the future. source-based, or extractivist development mod-

From a conventional International Relations el, neoliberal restructuring and environmental

perspective, one could indeed grant primacy to de-regulation, which have converged to generate

external factors associated with the role of ge- deep-rooted socio-economic tensions paving

opolitics, proxy war, and foreign intervention. the way for the Syrian conflict (Gürcan, 2019bGürcan (2019e). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

Nevertheless, one point remains to be clarified: In the case of Libya, policy failures such as oil ex-

what are some of the major domestic factors tractivism, state decentralization and tribalism,

that have rendered Syria and Libya vulnerable to liberalization, nepotism and corruption stand

these external influences in the first place? With out as key factors underlying the Libyan conflict.

this question in mind, the present article em- Before tackling the case of Syria and Libya,

ploys a comprehensive and multi-dimensional a few words are in order about the methodol-

ogy that has been employed. My comparative approach that combines conventional Internastudy combines narrative analysis and incorpotional Relations approaches with political econrated comparison within the framework of geoomy and political ecology. political economy. As a school of international This article is organized into three sections. relations established by Radhika Desai (2013) The first presents the conceptual and methodoand later developed by Efe Can Gürcan (2019aGürcan (2019e). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; logical framework used to study the case of Syria 2019c; 2019dGürcan (2019e). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.), geopolitical economy studies and Libya. The two remaining sections explore how interstate struggles and their interactions the internal and external factors underlying the with non-state actors are entangled with eco- Syrian and Libyan conflicts, respectively. nomic relations. The critique of imperialism and neoliberal capitalism lies at the heart of geopo- Conceptual and Methodological Issues litical economy. Moreover, geopolitical econo-

By conventional International Relations ap- my refutes transnationalism and re-asserts the

proaches, I mostly refer to the study of geopo- persisting centrality of nation-states in world

litical factors leading to the ongoing conflicts in politics. As such, it allows for a balanced study

Syria and Libya. For example, Sunni sectarian- of how conflicts are shaped by the dialectics

ism and Kurdish autonomism in Syria are among of domestic and external factors (Desai, 2010;

the most pronounced geo-cultural factors that 2013; 2015a; 2015b; 2016; Gürcan, 2019a; 2019c;

have shaped the regional conflicts through for- 2019d; Tutan, 2019/2020).

eign intervention, whereas geopolitical factors In turn, incorporated comparison is a com-

are perhaps most clearly identified with energy parative method that “seeks to understand the

and human security, military alliances, and the complexity of global phenomena by addressing

cross-case commonalities, mutual influences, project constitutes an important root cause for

and interdependencies in tandem with spatial or Syria’s tragic destabilization, since it has created

temporal variations, historical specificities, and a favorable environment for foreign intervention

internal tensions for a fuller understanding of a and the exploitation of ethno-religious differ-

global configuration at hand” (Gürcan, 2019d: ences by foreign powers. The same can be said as

6). Therefore, case selection is made based on to Libya’s domestic policy failures inscribed in its

the principle of historical connectivity and mu- extractivism, liberalization and nepotism, which

tual conditioning (McMichael, 1990McMichael (1990). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; 2000). The are coupled with its cultural and socio-demo-

rationale for focusing on the case of Syria and graphic vulnerabilities.

Libya in this study is thus to reveal how the Arab The development model pursued by con-

Spring conjuncture evolved into a “winter” of temporary Syria can be traced back to the 1970s

conflicts and chaos. Syria and Libya epitomize following the military coup that brought Hafez

the ways in which this process unfolds, as dif- al-Assad to power. The Hafez al-Assad regime

ferent from other major Arab Spring countries represented a moderate form of Ba’athism, which

such as Tunisia and Egypt, which did not really consists of a secularly-oriented and socialistic

witness wide-scale conflicts that gravely dam- form of Arab nationalism in Syria. While the em-

aged international security (Otero & Gürcan, phasis on nationalization and agricultural reform

2016). was retained, the economic model of moderate

Finally, the case of Syria and Libya is exam- Ba’athism developed a claim to a pluralistic econ-

ined here by means of a narrative strategy (Silver, omy based on partnership between the public and

2008). This strategy portrays social phenomena private sector (Norton & Lampros-Norton, 1982;

as “temporally ordered, sequential, unfolding, Bellamy, 2004; Azmeh, 2016).

and open-ended stories” (Griffin, 1992: 405Griffin (1992). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Hafez al-Assad’s Ba’athism failed in its at-

In doing so, it logically and chronologically dis- tempt to create a competent industrial sector,

cerns relations of contingency and critical com- mostly due to the hindrance of an excessive reli-

binations of events or circumstances that create ance on oil revenues and other energy resources.

conditions for the emergence and development This reliance was fueled by the oil price boom,

of social phenomena under study (e.g. Libya’s ex- especially in the 1970s. Syrian Ba’athism thus

tractivist policies and their consequences; Syria’s opted for an extractivist model and turned into

initiation of economic liberalization in 1986, its an oil exporter regime following the national-

acceleration in 2006, and the amplification of its ization of the petroleum sector in 1964 and the

negative impact with the multi-season drought completion of the pipeline construction in 1968,

in the period 2006-2011) (Griffin, 1992Griffin (1992). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). which connected oil production of the Northeast

region to the port of Tartous. Although Syria’s oil

Internal Factors in the Syrian and reserves were minor in comparison with other

Libyan Conflicts oil giants in the Arab world, the Baathist social-

What are the domestic factors that have played a istic project was heavily financed by oil revenues.

major role in rendering Syria and Libya vulnera- The excessive emphasis on the oil sector – and

ble to foreign intervention? My overall argument the increasing relevance of the natural gas sector

is that the failure of Syria’s Baathist development since the 1980s – had hindered the development

of a competent and diversified industrial sector. or economic pluralism) had already eliminated

Consequently, the majority of the non-energy certain subsidies, facilitated private investments

sector was only represented by the food produc- and allowed for a gradual liberalization of prices,

tion and processing sector. In 1998 alone, the oil trade and foreign exchange. The new investment

and mineral sector contributed to almost 70% laws adopted in the 1990s were aimed at encour-

of Syrian exports (Collelo, 1987Collelo (1987). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Azmeh, 2016Azmeh (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). aging the private sector, including rewards such

as tax holidays. This process gained momentum

Started in 1986, Syria’s early phase when Bashar al-Assad took power in 2000 with

of liberalization (ta’addudiyya, or a promise of economic and political reform. The

economic pluralism) had already objective of building a social market economy

eliminated certain subsidies, was introduced at the Baath Party’s 10th Regional

facilitated private investments and Congress in 2005. Syria then focused its efforts on

allowed for a gradual liberalization attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), which

of prices, trade and foreign mostly originated from Arab countries interested

exchange. in speculative and non-productive sectors such as

real estate, finance and tourism, to the detriment According to the World Bank (2016), oil rent acof the productive sector and infrastructure investcounted for over 20% of Syria’s GDP (gross doments. As part of the Five-Year Plan (2006-2010), mestic product) in 2004. It is therefore not sur- Syria eliminated the state monopoly on imports; prising that Syria has been among the countries liberalized prices, including that of diesel, gas, with the highest rates of energy and agriculture gasoline and electricity; deregulated the real essubsidies in the Middle East and North Africa tate market; licensed private banks; instituted the by 2000 (Azmeh, 2016Azmeh (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Eventually, the deplestock exchange; and consolidated the regulations tion of Syrian oil reserves in the 1990s revealed in favor of the protection of private property the poor sustainability of this extractivist model. (Dahi & Munif, 2012Dahi & Munif (2012). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). According to the US Energy Information Admin- It is possible to argue that agriculture was istration, Syria’s annual unrefined oil production hit the hardest by this economic restructuring

declined from 582,000 barrels per day in 1996 to through the liberalization of agricultural prices

368,000 barrels per day in 2009. Worthy of note and the elimination of subsidies on energy and

that Syria’s oil production saw a considerable agricultural inputs. In fact, the abolition of state

decline with the outbreak of the so-called Arab farms had already begun in June 2000 (Ababsa,

Spring, from 383,000 barrels in 2010 to 340,000 2013). Under the Five-Year Plan, the price of

in 2011 and 23,000 in 2014. Consequently, the diesel increased by almost 280% with the can-

Assad regime was unable to generate as much oil cellation of the subsidy on diesel in May 2008.

revenue to ensure economic and political stability Although the abolition of subsidies on diesel and

(EIA, 2017EIA (2017). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). fertilizers was beneficial for the environment,

Besides extractivism, another development the failure of the regime to propose alternative

that has marked the course of Syrian and Liby- policies that could alleviate agricultural produc-

an development is liberalization. Started in 1986, ers’ hardships aggravated the political-ecological

Syria’s early phase of liberalization (ta’addudiyya, crisis by undermining producers’ access to agri-

cultural inputs at favorable prices. Syria’s crisis production more efficient, which was attempted

eventually led to a rural exodus and massive mi- in 2005 but remained as a failed attempt. Mean-

gration to urban areas. In view of these devel- while, available estimates on Syria indicate that

opments, it is not surprising to observe that the 50% of irrigation depends on groundwater sys-

first protests against the regime were triggered in tems and that 78% of groundwater extraction is

Dar’a, a city in the south of the country, known carried out in an unsustainable way, resulting

as an agricultural center and a strategic support in the over-pumping of water by wells (Ababsa,

base for the Syrian regime. Protests against the 2013; Barnes, 2009; Balanche, 2011; Balanche,

bankruptcy of new economic policies and cor- 2012; Feitelson & Tubi, 2017; Forsythe, 2017;

ruption later spread to other rural centers like Gleick, 2014; Salman & Mualla, 2013).

Homs, Idleb and rural areas in Aleppo and Da- A similar situation applies to the case of mascus (Azmeh, 2016Azmeh (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; De Châtel, 2014De Châtel (2014). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Libya. Libya’s economic and political instability Indeed, the destabilizing effects of extrac- –which paved the way for foreign intervention tivist and neoliberal policies have been amplified and the fall of the Gaddafi regime– has much by major supra-seasonal droughts that are partly to do with the extractivist development model attributed to climate change. The 2006-2011 peadopted in the Gaddafi era (1969-2011). Libya riod experienced a multi-season drought, which had experienced tremendous human developsaw the worst droughts in Syria’s modern hisment by the 1980s thanks to rising oil revenues. tory, leading to countless instances of crop and

livestock devastation and the dislocation of Syr- This was noticeable, not only in rising litera-

ians. The cost of these droughts is beyond meas- cy rates, women’s improved status, improved

ure considering that more than 46% of Syria’s housing and public health-care system, but also

population lived in rural areas and 15% of the in Libya’s national average income, which in-

workforce was employed in agriculture before creased by nearly 50% between 1969 and 1980

the outbreak of the Syrian conflict. Overall, it (World Inequality Database, 2020World Inequality Database (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Oil revenues

is estimated that the drought – combined with reached the peak with a rise of over 96% in the

policy failures and other related factors – affect- 1970-1984 period, from around 1.57 million to

ed 60% of Syria’s agricultural land and killed 3.1 million of Libyan dinars. However, Libya

85% of livestock in the 2004-2008 period alone failed to take this opportunity to consolidate

(Richani, 2016Richani (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Gleick, 2014Gleick (2014). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). and diversify its industrial base, which imped-

The Syrian crisis is also reflected in the Ba- ed the sustainability of its human development

athist regime’s unsuccessful planning and poli- gains in the longer term (Ali, 2011; Otman &

cy efforts, which find their sharpest expression Karlberg, 2007; Prashad, 2012; Wehrey, 2018; St

in the overexploitation of underground water John, 2013). Oil revenues fell to a record low of

resources and environmental deregulation. Ag- 1.34 million of Libyan dinars by 1986, which ac-

ricultural subsidies were directed towards in- counted for nearly 54% of total government rev-

dustrial crops requiring extensive usage of water enues, dropping from 69% in 1984 (Ali, 2011Ali (2011). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

such as cotton and wheat. Moreover, the regime Libya epitomizes the problem of resource

failed to carry out the modernization of its ir- curse, where the profitability of abundant nat-

rigation infrastructure with the aim of reducing ural resources leads to poor economic develop-

water consumption and making agricultural ment and excessive dependency on a fluctuating

E fe C a n G ür c a n, Inter na tio na l S ec ur ity A fter the A r a b S pr ing : D o m e s t ic a nd Inter na tio na l S our c es of the S y r ia n a nd Liby a n C onflic ts ( 2 0 1 1 - 2 0 2 0 )

Oil production in Libya.

world market despite impressive but short-term structure and opted for a decentralizing strate-

gains. Falling crude oil prices (nominal, per gy of inviting a number of allied clans to local

barrel) –from $37.42 in 1980 to $16.56 in 1999 governance and security forces, which gained

(Bilgin, 2016: 40) – helped paralyze the Libyan a certain level of autonomy from the state (Er-

economy and intensified socioeconomic inequal- dağ, 2017; Hüsken, 2019; Joffé, 2013). Indeed,

ities. This went hand in hand with a nearly 50% this strategy impeded the process of nation-state

decline in average national income in the 1980s building and contributed to the further heterog-

and an almost 20% decline in average national enization of Libyan society. Libya’s cultural het-

income in the 1990s (World Inequality Database, erogenization can also be associated with Gadd-

2020). Moreover, a quick look at Libya’s oil reve- afi’s stateless state model, theoretically modeled

nues prior to the fall of the Gaddafi regime would on direct democracy, customs and community

reveal the impact of its policies. Oil revenues ac- (i.e. tribe and clan) engagement. The idea of

counted for over 90% of public revenues, 75% of stateless state (the Jamahiriyya, or the state of the

the national budget and 95% of export revenues masses) acted as a hinderance to the formation

before Gaddafi’s death (Kane, 2016Kane (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). of well-functioning and stable institutions at the

In Libya, Western sanctions had combined national level (Northern & Pack, 2013; Erdağ,

with the negative consequences of decreas- 2017; Sawani, 2013; Prashad, 2012).

ing oil revenues and the 1987 defeat in the war What is more, Libya started to normalize

with Chad to encourage Gaddafi to give serious its relations with the West in 2003 (Erdağ, 2017;

compromises in its domestic and foreign policy Otman & Karlberg, 2007; Wehrey, 2018; St John,

(Otman & Karlberg, 2007Otman & Karlberg (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Gaddafi abandoned 2013). Libya also underwent three successive

his intentions to radically transform Libya’s clan waves of liberalization in (1987, 1993, and 2003),

which weakened the organic bonds between and globalization has served to expose Libya to

the state and the working masses. Privatization foreign intervention in the longer term.

went hand in hand with massive corruption and It is possible to suggest that Libya’s geo-

increasing cost of living, which in turn had an graphic and demographic structure serves to

alienating effect on the working masses (Otman amplify the negative consequences of policy

failures. Libya is Africa’s fourth largest country & Karlberg, 2007; St John, 2013). Interestingly, by surface area, despite being ranked one of the Libya was praised by the International Monetary countries with sparsest population (Otman & Fund for its “ambitious reform agenda” in early Karlberg, 2007Otman & Fund for its “ambitious reform agenda” in early Karlberg (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). 95% of Libya’s population is es-

2011, prior to the Western intervention (Pra- timated to concentrate in coastal regions, which

shad, 2012: 93). represent only 1% of the total surface area.

Tripoli is home to one-third of the population

It is possible to suggest that Libya’s (Otman & Karlberg, 2007Otman & Karlberg (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Cole & Khan, 2015Cole & Khan (2015). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

geographic and demographic What is more, Libya is fragmented into nearly

structure serves to amplify the 140 tribes and clans originating from neighbor-

negative consequences of policy ing countries such as Tunisia, Chad and Egypt

failures. (Erdağ, 2017Erdağ (2017). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Tribal and clan affiliation co-ex-

ists with religious identities even in urban areas, even though Libya does not suffer from the Under liberalization, Gaddafi’s close cirproblem of sectarianism, unlike Syria (Hüsken, cle and tribe (i.e. the Qadhafa) took the lead in 2019; Sawani, 2013; St John, 2013). Indeed, this

crafting a nepotist state structure (Erdağ, 2017; situation renders Libya highly vulnerable to

Prashad, 2012; Joffé, 2013; St John, 2013). Pri- global security challenges.

vatization and rising nepotism resulted in the Besides persisting tribe and clan heterogene-

Gaddafi regime abandoning its former anti-im- ity facilitated through decentralization strategies,

perialism and devoting special efforts to over- Libya is divided into three separate regions with

coming political and economic isolation after different historical and cultural legacies (the East-

the collapse of the Soviet Union (Erdağ, 2017Erdağ (2017). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). ern region of Cyrenaica, the Western region of

Liberalization and the penetration of Western Tripolitania and the Southern region of Fezzan)

companies in the Libyan market were accom- (Otman & Karlberg, 2007Otman & Karlberg (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Prashad, 2012Prashad (2012). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). In

Libya, there has been a historical rivalry between panied by American military officers and conthe East and the West in the post-colonial era. tractors establishing organic ties with Libyan King Idris’ reign (1951-1969) in the pre-Gaddofficers, some of whom were to take active part afi era was based on Libya’s Eastern part, and the in the Western intervention in in 2011 (Wehrey, country’s axis of power shifted to the West under 2018Wehrey (2018). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Consequently, Libya became a base of Gaddafi’s rule. In the Gaddafi era (1969-2011),

systematic torture and interrogation for sus- Libya’s Eastern region was relegated to underde-

pected terrorists servicing the United States and velopment, despite its contribution to two-thirds

Britain in the 2000s (O’Sullivan, 2018; Prashad, of national oil production. Not surprisingly, Lib-

2012; Wehrey, 2018). In the final analysis, one ya’s marginalized Eastern region served as a stra-

could argue that the heterogenization of Libyan tegic base for anti-Gaddafi forces in the 2010s

society through liberalization, decentralization (Erdağ, 2017Erdağ (2017). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Prashad, 2012Prashad (2012). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Kane, 2016Kane (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

To finish with this section, it would be difficult to over-emphasize the importance of po- The role of broader geopolitical factors in the transformation of litical-economic, geo-demographic and politithe Syrian conflict into a proxy war cal-ecological factors in the Syrian and Libyan cannot be ignored, either. conflicts. The evidence shows that one of the most important causes of the Syrian tragedy cations of regional interventions for ethno-relirelates to the outbreak of a political-ecological gious conflicts are of an utmost importance for crisis whose origins are to be found in the longthe diffusion of the Syrian conflict. Indeed, the term consequences of Syria’s (a) oil-centered excontemporary resurgence of sectarian and ethtractivist model of development adopted since nopolitical conflicts is due in large measure to US the 1970s and its legacy reflected in the governmilitary intervention in Iraq, whereby Kurdish ment’s failure to generate adequate livelihood, autonomy and Islamist terrorists gained ground (b) neo-liberal restructuring that has widened in the entire region. Moreover, donations offered inequalities and bankrupted the agriculture by foreign individuals and governments of the since 2000, and (c) environment-blind policies Arab Gulf states to various Islamist factions have that have neglected the severity of droughts, enalso played a crucial role in the emergence and couraged water intensive crops and the over-exspread of the Syrian conflict. These actors have ploitation of water resources, and failed to mainly aimed at extending the regional Sunni address the modernization of the irrigation in-

frastructure. In a similar fashion, Libya’s policy hegemony and proactively opposed Iran’s in-

failures such as extractivism, liberalization, and creased activism. Rough calculations point to

nepotism combined with cultural heterogeneity a spending of about $3 billion by Qatar in the

and other geo-demographic factors to facilitate 2012-2013 period and over $10 billion by Sau-

socioeconomic and political instability. di Arabia and Kuwait in the 2013-2015 period

alone (Jaafar & Woertz, 2016Jaafar & Woertz (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Richani, 2016Richani (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

Internal Factors in the Syrian and Similar to the Arab Gulf states, Turkey has been

Libyan Conflicts contributing the Syrian conflict by supporting

Sunni sectarianism in order to motivate the The arguments highlighting the role of the geopro-Turkish Sunni and jihadist opposition in politics of ethno-religious conflicts on a global Syria with the aim of expanding its sphere of inscale and foreign intervention in the Syrian con-

flict are perhaps better known than Syria’s po- fluence (Otero & Gürcan, 2016Otero & Gürcan (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

litical ecology and political economy (Otero & The role of broader geopolitical factors in the

Gürcan, 2016; Gürcan, 2019b). First of all, the transformation of the Syrian conflict into a proxy

fragmented state of Syria’s ethno-religious con- war cannot be ignored, either (Gürcan, 2019e;

figuration is beyond question: 12% of the Syrian Otero & Gürcan, 2016). For example, Syria’s stra-

population belongs to the Alawi community, of tegic position on energy routes and the discovery

which President Bashar al-Assad is a member; of abundant natural gas reserves in the eastern

64% of the population is part of the Sunni Arab Mediterranean in 2010 have attracted regional

community, while Christians, Kurds and Druze players such as Israel, Turkey and Qatar, which

represent 9%, 10% and 3% of the Syrian popu- had a vested interest in destabilizing Syria in or-

lation, respectively (Phillips, 2015Phillips (2015). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). The impli- der to implement their own energy projects and

counter Iran’s regional influence (Delanoë, 2014; advantage of the emerging power vacuum in the

Engdahl, 2013; Otero & Gürcan, 2016; Ipek, 2017; Arab Spring conjuncture (O’Sullivan, 2018; Pra-

Winrow, 2016). The discovery of large conven- shad, 2012). Libya constitutes a strategic bridge

tional gas reserves takes on a greater relevance to that connects the Middle East, Africa, and Eu-

Syria’s strategic position as a center of attention in rope (Erdağ, 2017Erdağ (2017). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Wehrey, 2018Wehrey (2018). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). It owns Afri-

geopolitical conflict in light of the global integra- ca’s largest oil reserves and fifth largest natural gas

tion of natural gas markets and a 25% increase of reserves. Meanwhile, Libya’s oil is called “sweet

global gas consumption in the last decade, which crude” for its low cost of production, low sulfur

seems to support the idea of a “Golden Age of content, and proximity to Europe. Libya’s control

Gas” (Bridge & Bradshaw, 2017Bridge & Bradshaw (2017). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). is also crucial for controlling the entire Levant,

As part of Turkey’s energy aspirations, the where newly discovered natural gas and oil re-

Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline was initi- sources intensify geopolitical rivalry. The Medi-

ated in March 2015. Its successful construction terranean region is not only home to one-third of

would open up a gas corridor from Azerbaijan global maritime commerce, but also possesses one

through Georgia and Turkey to Europe (Nader, of the most abundant sources of natural gas in the

2013). According to Delanoë (2014),. Interest- world. Furthermore, Libya dominates African mi-

ingly enough, the Iran-Iraq-Syria pipeline project gratory flows towards Europe and other Middle

was accepted in 2010 and formally announced in Eastern countries in the region (O’Sullivan, 2018;

2011 right before the onset of the Syrian conflict Prashad, 2012). Controlling Libya also means

(Ahmed, 2013Ahmed (2013). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; UPI, 2011UPI (2011). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). This project presented controlling migratory flows, which can be used as

a direct competition to the Qatar-Turkey pipeline a strategic leverage against regional countries.

project. The Qatar-Turkey project was to connect Qatar’s natural gas over Turkey via Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Syria. Syria rejected this project in 2009 to protect the interests of Russia – Syria’s main economic partner. As such, Syria’s rejection is one of the main reasons for Turkey and Qatar’s active involvement in the Syrian conflict (Nader, 2013Nader (2013). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Qatar does not conceal its ambition to become the world’s leading liquefied natural gas exporter (Engdahl, 2013Engdahl (2013). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). One could therefore argue that regional players’ intervention seeks to prevent Syria from engaging in energy coopera-

tion with Iran and Russia and claiming the abun- Syrian soldiers hold Syrian flags on the Tal al-Harrah in

the northwestern countryside of Daraa Province, Syria, dant energy resources in the Levantine basin. July 19, 2018. (Xinhua) Regional players seem to resort to destabilization

attempts in the case of failed deterrence. A common mistake is to call the Libyan

Libya’s geopolitics is equally important from conflict a “civil war”. This conflict is rather esca-

the perspective of global and regional powers lated by foreign powers who take advantage of

seeking to advance their own agendas by taking the regional power vacuum. As Ramazan Erdağ

(2017: 31) argues: “The use of force by NATO Russia seems to be fully aware of Libya’s

and allies and the military assistance it provided strategic position that can be leveraged against

changed the balance of power in favor of the op- European powers that are fearful of migratory

position. It is not improper to say that the Libyan flows and concerned with their energy security

revolution could not have been achieved in the (Gürcan, 2019dGürcan (2019e). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). This may also explain the pres-

absence of the external transformation in neigh- ence of the Wagner Group, a Russian military

boring countries and NATO’s intervention.” The contractor in Libya as well as Russia’s position

as a powerful mediator in the conflict. Russia conflict following the NATO intervention in has crucial geopolitical and economic interests 2011 is led by Khalifa Haftar, a Libyan-Amerin Libya (Larssen, 2016Larssen (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Prashad, 2012Prashad (2012). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.), which ican warlord supported by countries such as can be broadly summarized in two major points. France, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates First, Russia’s increasing engagement contrib- (UAE). Haftar fights against the UN-recognized utes directly to the multipolarization of world Government of National Accord (GNA). Similar politics by constraining Western powers’ pres-

to GNA, Haftar’s forces heavily rely on militias tige and military influence. The general opinion

from neighboring countries and even Salafist about the Libyan crisis is that the Western in-

elements in the region. In supporting Haftar, tervention for regime change in Libya, and the

France seeks to outrival Germany and Italy’s West’s lack of engagement after Gaddafi’s death,

political and economic influence in the region. are the chief factors contributing to the chaotic

11% of France’s oil consumption originates from environment of the post-Gaddafi era (Gürcan,

Libya (Northern & Pack, 2013Northern & Pack (2013). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). As a matter of 2019d). Therefore, Russia sees the Libyan con-

fact, Italy used to be Libya’s biggest trade part- juncture as a great opportunity to fill the power

ner as the most important oil producer there vacuum created by the Western powers (Neale,

(Northern & Pack, 2013Northern & Pack (2013). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). It is also known that as 2018). Russia had also shown interest in con-

much as 11% of Germany’s oil demand depends structing naval bases on Libya’s eastern coasts

on Libyan oil. Germany has crucial infrastruc- in 2008 and 2009. Therefore, Russia’s increasing

involvement in post-Gaddafi Libya could be inture and energy investments in Libya. Similar directly associated with its intention to increase to Italy, Germany used to count on the Gaddafi its global military influence by contributing to regime in controlling migratory flows from Afthe multipolarization of world politics. In Rusrica. Moreover, Egypt and the UAE are primarily sia’s quest for global military influence, against interested in cleaning the region of radical rethe backdrop of its intensifying confrontation ligious elements and ensuring border security. with the Western powers, the Mediterranean

The UAE’s drive to assert itself as an independ- basin is of crucial importance. Relatedly, Libya’s

ent geopolitical player and a proxy for US inter- proximity to Europe is a great source of concern

ests is also to be taken into account. Egypt and for European powers, who have already been

the UAE’s rivalry with Turkey and Qatar could suffering a historic wave of migration from Arab

also be seen as an important factor in their sup- Spring and African countries. Russia’s politi-

port for Haftar’s forces (Rickli, 2016; Ulrichsen, cal, economic, and military involvement would

2016; Wehrey, 2018; Northern & Pack, 2013). certainly force its hand in influencing Europe’s

geopolitics (Eljarh, 2018Eljarh (2018). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Neale, 2018Neale (2018). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Second, States and its regional allies. It thus supports Lib-

Gaddafi’s death dealt a huge economic blow to ya’s UN-backed government (Ulrichsen, 2016;

Russia, which lost contracts worth billions of Rickli, 2016).

dollars in strategic sectors such as energy, con- Libya and Syria’s foreign policy attitudes are

struction, infrastructure, and defense. Russia is also a cause for Western resentment as another

now interested in regaining its former economic driving factor behind foreign intervention. For

concessions in the face of Northern econom- example, Western powers had long been resent-

ing Syria’s foreign policy commitments and alliic sanctions and stagnation. Russia is therefore ances. Syria had opposed the US invasion of Iraq seeking both to contribute to Libya’s reconstrucin 2003. Prior to the invasion, Syria defied US tion efforts and to exploit its vast oil resources sanctions by receiving Iraqi oil, facilitated sales of (Eljarh, 2018; Kuznetsov, Naumkin & Zvyagelarms to Iraq, and allowed the movement of thou-

skaya, 2018; Neale, 2018; Gürcan, 2019d). sands of Arab resistance fighters across the Iraqi

border. After the invasion, certain fleeing Iraqi of-

Libya and Syria’s foreign policy ficials took refuge in Syria (Hinnebusch, 2009Hinnebusch (2009). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). As

attitudes are also a cause for acknowledged by Raymond Hinnebusch (2009:

Western resentment as another 18-19), these moves reflected Syria’s stance for

driving factor behind foreign the “Arab nationalist identity rather than a pure

intervention. calculus of interest”, which displeased the United

States and Europe by making Syria look like “the

As another key player in the Libyan conflict, last remaining voice of Arab nationalism”. Fur-

Turkey seems to be facing direct and concrete thermore, the US invasion of Iraq also consoli-

threats originating from the Mediterranean re- dated Syria’s partnership with Iran against the US

gion. Since the early 2000s, the Greek Cypriot (Hinnebusch, 2009Hinnebusch (2009). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). For Iran whose participation

governments have been illegally declaring exclu- has been crucial in the course of the Syrian con-

sive economic zones and expanding its drilling flict, sustained cooperation with the Assad regime

zones in the Levant. Israel, the United States, offers guaranteed access to Lebanon and the rest

Greece and the Greek Cypriot governments have of the Middle East along with an opportunity to

been holding military drills such as Noble Dina expand its regional Shiite influence and constrain

and Nemesis, directly targeting Turkey. Turkey Israel’s regional power (Türkeş, 2016Türkeş (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Öniş, 2014Öniş (2014). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

also seeks to desperately improve its energy se- Iran’s presence in Syria is also related to its con-

curity and to be in closer proximity with Egypt cerns about Assad’s possible departure, which

for expanding its military influence against the could result in a Sunni government and concom-

Sisi regime as a Muslim Brotherhood rival. In itantly Iran’s regional isolation (Barfi, 2016Barfi (2016). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). In-

addition, the so-called Seville Map –prepared deed, Hezbollah – which has been present since

with the European Union and Greece’s initia- the very beginning of the Syrian conflict and as-

tive– unilaterally limits Turkey’s maritime area sociated with Iran’s proxy war – would greatly suf-

to a small zone around the Bay of Antalya, de- fer from such outcomes. Last but not least, Syria is

spite the fact that Turkey possesses the longest still home to the Russian naval facility in Tartous,

coastline in the Mediterranean region. Indeed, which provides Russia’s sole access to the Medi-

Qatar is Turkey’s key ally in the region as a rival terranean for commercial and military purposes

of the UAE, recently alienated from the United (Gordon, 2017Gordon (2017). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

Syria’s isolation from the West – as a key Libya was similarly isolated by the West due to

factor that has indirectly fueled the Syrian con- its anti-imperialist foreign policy stance before

flict in 2011 – was not merely rooted in the Iraqi the 2000s. It would be worthwhile to mention

question, the Perso-Syrian alliance, and Russia’s here how Libya’s anti-imperialism alienated the

involvement. West and resulted in the US sanctions imposed

in 1986 and the United Nations sanctions adopted in 1992. The cost of the UN sanctions to the

As far as the external factors of Libyan economy alone is estimated at $33 bil-

the Syrian conflict are concerned, lion (Otman & Karlberg, 2007; Prashad, 2012;

the evidence suggests that the Wehrey, 2018).

transformation of ethno-religious

tensions into a proxy war is Review and Discussion

strongly mediated by the foreign

policy imperatives of key countries The Syrian and Libyan cases are illustrative of

involved in the Syrian conflict. how extractivist development strategies could

inhibit industrialization and generate over-dependency on external markets. Certainly, neo- In Syria’s eyes, Lebanon is seen as a natural liberal restructuring has done nothing but exacsphere of influence that is crucial to Syria’s naerbate these outcomes by completely destroying tional security. It was known that Syrian oppothese countries’ social fabric and intensifying sition elements took refuge in Lebanon. Morethe already-existing socioeconomic tensions. over, due to its geographical location, the Syrian Furthermore, Syria’s mismanagement of enviregime cannot afford Lebanon to become an ronmental problems demonstrates that the envi-

Israeli or Western outpost that could also con- ronment is more than a mere development issue

strain the reach of Arab nationalism. The Leba- and that it also constitutes a national-security

non-based Shiite Hezbollah is of strategic impor- issue. In the future, the case of Syria and Libya is

tance for Syria in its efforts to constrain Israel’s hoped to encourage multi-disciplinary research

regional power and consolidating its alliances on the political-economic and political-ecologi-

with Iran. Additionally, the West was also trou- cal foundations of national security.

bled with the Syrian intervention in Lebanon in As far as the external factors of the Syrian

2005, which resulted in sanctions being placed conflict are concerned, the evidence suggests

on Syria. In addition, Syria was blamed for the that the transformation of ethno-religious ten-

assassination of Lebanese ex-Prime minister sions into a proxy war is strongly mediated by

Rafiq al-Hariri, who was seen as an important the foreign policy imperatives of key countries

ally of the Saudi Arabia regime (Phillips, 2015Phillips (2015). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). involved in the Syrian conflict. In both cases, ge-

In addition, Israel’s involvement in Syria is also opolitical factors – including energy and human

worth addressing. Not only is Syria a strategic security, military alliances, and foreign-policy

gate for Iran, which seeks regional hegemony as commitments – seem to have served as strong

Israel’s arch enemy, but also Israel is interested in incentives for the emergence and diffusion of

dominating the gas and oil and water resources conflicts. The centrality of geopolitical factors

in the Golan Heights and the Levantine basin by in shaping the Syrian and Libyan conflicts calls

undermining Syria’s national security (Ağdemir, attention to the region’s need for constituting

2015). As was discussed in the previous section, strong regional cooperation mechanisms, which

would prioritize key issues such as Western in- Geopolitics, 14(3), 510–530.

terventionism, national sovereignty, military Bellamy, A. (2004). Security Communities and Their

Neighbours: Regional Fortresses or Global Integrators?

cooperation, and human and energy security. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Eurasia and Latin America’s experience of re- Bilgin, M. (2012). Energy Transitions and

gionalism (Gürcan, 2019cGürcan (2019e). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; 2019d) – e.g. the International Security in the Twenty-first Century.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Collective In S. F. Krishna-Hensel (Ed.), New Security Frontiers

Critical Energy and the Resource Challenge. London:

Security Treaty Organization, Union of South Routledge.

American Nations, Bolivarian Alliance for Our Bridge, G. & Bradshaw, M. (2017). Making a Global

America – would provide crucial hints in con- Gas Market: Territoriality and Production Networks

straining the Western military aggression, while in Liquefied Natural Gas. Economic Geography,

93(3), 215-240. establishing stable, institutionalized channels of Chen, Y. (2019/2020). China’s Potential Role in the

political, economic, military, and cultural coop- Remaking of Regional Order in the Middle East:

eration between Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Motivations, Opportunities and Challenges. Belt &

Iran, and Russia, among others. Road Initiative Quarterly, 1(1), 55–66.

Cole, P. & Khan, U. (2015). The Fall of Tripoli: Part 1. In P. Cole & B. McQuinn (Eds.), The Libyan

References Revolution and its Aftermath (pp. 55-80). UK: Oxford

Ababsa, M. (2013). Crise Agraire, Crise Foncière et University Press.

Sécheresse En Syrie (2000-2011). Maghreb – Collelo, T. (1987). Syria: A Country Study. Washington:

Machrek, 1(215), 101–122. GPO.

Ağdemir, A. M. (2015). Israel and the Gas Resources of Dahi, O. S. & Munif, Y. (2012). Revolts in Syria:

the Levant Basin. Ortadoğu Etütleri, 6(2), 136–154. Tracking the Convergence Between

Ahmed, N. (2013, August 30). Syria Intervention Authoritarianism and Neoliberalism. Journal of

Plan Fueled by Oil Interests, Not Chemical Weapon Asian and African Studies, 47(4), 323–332.

Concern. The Guardian. Retrieved from https:// De Châtel, F. (2014). The Role of Drought and Climate

www. theguardian.com/environment/earth Change in the Syrian Uprising: Untangling the

insight/2013/aug/30/syria-chemical-attack-war- Triggers of the Revolution. Middle Eastern Studies,

intervention-oil-gas-energy-pipelines. 50(4), 521–535.

Ali, I. (2011). Oil revenue and economic development Delanoë, I. (2014). The Syrian Crisis: A Challenge to the

case of Libyan economy (1970-2007) (Doctoral Black Sea Stability. Istanbul: Center for International

dissertation). Retrieved from https://ro.uow.edu.au/ and European Studies, Kadir Has University.

cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google.com Desai, R. (2010). The Absent Geopolitics of Pure

/&httpsredir=1&article=4463&context=theses. Capitalism. World Review of Political Economy, 1(3),

Azmeh, S. (2016). Syria’s Passage to Conflict: The End 463–484.

of the ‘Developmental Rentier Fix’ and the Desai, R. (2013). Geopolitical Economy: After US

Consolidation of New Elite Rule. Politics & Society, Hegemony, Globalization and Empire. London: Pluto

44(4), 499–523. Press.

Balanche, F. (2011). Géographie de La Révolte Syrienne. Desai, R. (2015a). Introduction: From the neoclassical

Outre-Terre, 3(29), 437–458. diversion to geopolitical economy. Research in

Balanche, F. (2012). La Modernisation Des Systèmes Political Economy, 30(1), 1–44.

d’Irrigation Dans Le Nord-Est Syrien: La Desai, R. (2015b). Introduction: The Materiality of

Bureaucratie Au Coeur de La Relation Eau et Nations in Geopolitical Economy. World Review of

Pouvoir. Méditerrané, 8(119), 59–72. Political Economy, 6(4), 449–458.

Barfi, B. (2016, January 24). The Real Reason Why Desai, R. (2016). Introduction: Putting Geopolitical

Iran Backs Syria. The National Interest. Retrieved Economy to Work. Research in Political Economy,

from http://nationalinterest.org/feature/the-real- 30(2), 1–21.

reason-why-iran-backs-syria-14999. EIA (2017EIA (2017). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Database, 2017. Retrieved from

Barnes, J. (2009). Managing the Waters of Ba’th https://www.eia.gov/beta/international/data/br

Country: The Politics of Water Scarcity in Syria. owser/#/?c=4100000002000060000000000000g

000200000000000000001&vs=INTL.44-1-AFRC- Order in a Post-American Age. Belt & Road Initiative

QBTU.A&vo=0&v=H&end=2015. Quarterly, 1(1), 6-16.

Eljarh, M. (2018, February 20). Russia’s Ambitions in Griffin, L. J. (1992). Temporality, Events, and

Libya. Valdai Discussion Club. Retrieved from http:// Explanation in Historical Sociology: An

valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/russia-s-ambitions-in- Introduction. Sociological Methods & Research, 20(1),

libya 403-426.

Engdahl, F. W. (2013, January 27). The New Hinnebusch, R. (2009). Syrian Foreign Policy under

Mediterranean Oil and Gas Bonanza (Part II: Rising Bashar Al-Asad. Ortadoğu Etütleri, 1(1), 7–26.

Energy Tensions in the Aegean—Greece, Turkey, Hüsken, T. (2019). Tribal Politics in the Borderland of

Cyprus, Syria). Global Research. Retrieved from Egypt and Libya. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

https://www.globalresearch.ca/the-new- Ipek, P. (2017). Oil and Intra-State Conflict in Iraq and mediterranean-oil-and-gas-bonanza/29609. Syria: Sub-State Actors and Challenges for Turkey’s

Erdağ, R. (2017). Libya in the Arab Spring From Energy Security. Middle Eastern Studies, 53(3),

Revolution to Insecurity. New York: Palgrave 406–419.

Macmillan US. Jaafar, H. & Woertz, E. (2016). Agriculture as a Funding Feitelson, E. & Tubi, A. (2017). A Main Driver or an Source of ISIS: A GIS and Remote Sensing Analysis. Intermediate Variable? Climate Change, Water and Food Policy, 64(1), 14–25. Security in the Middle East. Global Environmental

Change, 44(1), 39–48. Joffé, G. (2013) Civil Activism and the Roots of the 2011

Uprisings. In Pack J. (Eds.), The 2011 Libyan Forsythe, D. P. (2017). Water and Politics in the Tigris– Uprisings and the Struggle for the Post-Qadhafi Euphrates Basin: Hope for Negative Learning? In J. Future. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. A Cahan (Ed.), Water Security in the Middle East (pp.

167–84). London: Anthem Press. Kane, S. (2016). Barqa Reborn? Eastern Regionalism

and Libya’s Political Transition. In P. Cole & B. Gleick, P. H. (2014). Water, Drought, Climate Change, McQuinn (Eds.), The Libyan Revolution and its and Conflict in Syria. Weather, Climate, and Society, Aftermath (pp. 205-228). UK: Oxford University 6 (1), 331–340. Press. Gordon, S. (2017, April 8). Russian Resolve: Why Syria

Matters to Putin. The Globe and Mail. Retrieved from Koray, S. (2019/2020). The Belt and Road Initiative

https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/ is Opening up New Horizons. Belt & Road Initiative

russian-resolve-why-syria-matters-to-putin/ Quarterly, 1(1), 17–22.

article34643406/. Kuznetsov, V., Naumkin, V. & Zvyagelskaya, I. (2018).

Gürcan, E. C. (2019a). BRICS Ülkelerinin Afrika’daki Russia in the Middle East: The Harmony of

Yükselişine Jeopolitik Ekonomi Penceresinden Bir Polyphony. Moscow: Valdai Discussion Club.

Bakış [A Geopolitical-Economic Perspective into the Retrieved from http://valdaiclub.com/files/18375/

BRICS’ Rise in Africa]. Gümüşhane Üniversitesi Larssen, A. K. (2016). Russia. In D. Henriksen & A.

Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, 34(1), 59–88. K. Larssen (Eds.), Political Rationale and

Gürcan, E. C. (2019b). Extractivism, Neoliberalism, and International Consequences of the War in Libya. UK:

the Environment: Revisiting the Syrian Conflict from Oxford University Press.

an Ecological Justice Perspective. Capitalism Nature McMichael, P. (1990). Incorporating Comparison

Socialism, 30(3), 91-109. within a World-Historical Perspective: An

Gürcan, E. C. (2019c). Geopolitical Economy of Post- Alternative Comparative Method. American

Hegemonic Regionalism in Latin America Sociological Review, 55(3), 385-397.

and Eurasia. Research in Political Economy, 34(1), McMichael, P. (2000). World-Systems Analysis,

59–88. Globalization, and Incorporated Comparison.

Gürcan, E. C. (2019d). Multipolarization, South-South Journal of World-Systems Research, 6(3), 385-397.

Cooperation and the Rise of Post-Hegemonic Nader, S. (2013, October 11). Natural Gas Resources

Governance. New York: Routledge. May Be Backstory in Syria War. Center For

Gürcan, E. C. (2019e). Political Geography of Turkey’s Geopolitical Analysis. Retrieved from http://icmu.

Intervention in Syria: Underlying Causes and nyc.gr/%20Natural-Gas-Resources-May-Be-

Consequences (2011-2016). Journal of Aggression, Backstory-in-Syria-War

Conflict and Peace Research, 11(1), 1-10. Neale, E. (2018, February 14). Russia: Is Syria’s Fate

Gürcan, E. C. (2019/2020). Building a Fair World Libya’s Future? Atlantic Council. Retrieved from

http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/ Salman, M. & Mualla, W. (2013). The Utilization of

russia-is-syria-s-fate-libya-s-future-2 Water Resources for Agriculture in Syria: Analysis

Northern, R. & Pack, J. (2013). The Role of Outside of Current Situation and Future Challenges. Erice

Actors. In J. Pack (Ed.), The 2011 Libyan Uprisings International Seminars on Planetary Emergencies,

and the Struggle for the Post-Qadhafi Future. New 30th session, 263–274. Retrieved from https://doi.

York: Palgrave Macmillan. org/10.1142/9789812702753_0031.

Norton, A. R. & Lampros-Norton D. J. (1982). Militant Silver, B. C. (2008). Forces of Labor. Cambridge:

Protest and Political Violence Under the Banner of Cambridge University Press.

Islam. Armed Forces & Society, 9(1), 3–19. St John, R.B. (2013). The Post-Qadhafi Economy. In:

O’Sullivan, S. (2018). Military Intervention in the Middle Pack J. (Ed.) The 2011 Libyan Uprisings and the

East and North Africa The Case of NATO. New York: Struggle for the Post-Qadhafi Future. New York:

Routledge. Palgrave Macmillan.

Tutan, U. (2019/2020). Political-Economic Otero, G. & Gürcan E. C. (2016). The Arab Spring Reconfigurations in Global Power Systems: From and the Syrian Refugee Crisis. The Monitor: the 18th Century up Until Today. Belt & Road Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 22(5), 16–17. Initiative Quarterly, 1(1), 31–42.

Otman, W. & Karlbeg, E. (2007). The Libyan Türkeş, M. (2016). Decomposing Neo-Ottoman

Economy Economic Diversification and International Hegemony. Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern

Repositioning. Heidelberg: Springer- Verlag. Studies, 18, 191–216.

Öniş, Z. (2014). Turkey and the Arab Revolutions: Ulrichsen, K. (2016). The Rationale and Implications

Boundaries of Regional Power Influence in a of Qatar’s Intervention in Libya. In D. Henriksen

Turbulent Middle East. Mediterranean Politics, 19(2), & A. K. Larssen (Eds.), Political Rationale and

203–219. International Consequences of the War in Libya. UK:

Phillips, C. (2015). Sectarianism and Conflict in Syria. Oxford University Press.

Third World Quarterly, 36(2), 357–376. UPI (United Press International). (2011, July 25).

Prashad, V. (2012). Arab Spring, Libyan Winter. Islamic Pipeline’ Seeks Euro Gas Markets. Retrieved

California: AK Press. from www.upi.com/Business_News/Energy-

Richani, N. (2016). The Political Economy and Complex Industry/2011/07/25/Islamic-pipeline-seeks-Euro-

Interdependency of the War System in Syria. Civil gas-markets/UPI-13971311588240.

Wars, 18(1), 45–68. Wehrey, F. (2018). The Burning Shores: Inside the Battle

Rickli, J. (2016). The Political Rationale and for the New Libya. New York: Farrar, Straus and

Implications of the United Arab Emirates’ Military Giroux.

Involvement in Libya. In D. Henriksen & A. K. Winrow, G. M. (2016). The Anatomy of a Possible

Larssen (Eds.), Political Rationale and International Pipeline: The Case of Turkey and Leviathan and Gas

Consequences of the War in Libya. UK: Oxford Politics in the Eastern Mediterranean. Journal of

University Press. Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 18(5), 431–447.

Sawani, Y.M. (2013). Dynamics of Continuity and World Bank. (2016). Online Database. Retrieved from

Change. In Pack J. (Eds.), The 2011 Libyan Uprisings https://data.worldbank.org.

and the Struggle for the Post-Qadhafi Future. New World Inequality Database. (2020). World Inequality

York: Palgrave Macmillan. Database. Retrieved from https://wid.world/