COVID-19 in Historical Perspective: How Disaster Capitalism Fabricates a Fear-Managed World Order?

The coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) Depression, and far worse than the Global Fi-

may have led to the most significant public nancial Crisis” (Gopinath, 2020Gopinath (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). What is more,

health emergency of the 21st century, with enor- Western leaders’ recent statements may well be

mous implications for the global economy and interpreted as early signs of a rapidly accelerat-

politics. Some recent forecasts suggest that the ing geopolitical turbulence. German Chancellor

COVID pandemic is likely to plunge the world Angela Merkel has described the COVID-19

economy into a deep-seated crisis whose conse- pandemic as the greatest threat since World War

quences will be even worse than the Great De- II. The European Union (EU), already suffering

pression of the 1930s (Caşın, 2020Caşın (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). These fore- from heavy blows dealt by the 2009 European

casts were recently validated by Gita Gopinath, debt crisis and Brexit (Britain Exit), has been ac-

the chief economist of the International Mon- cused by Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez

etary Fund (IMF), who portrayed the current of abandoning his country. For similar reasons,

situation as “the worst recession since the Great Italian mayors have ripped down EU flags and

politicians participated in popular protests tar- capitalism” approach and the study of “cultures

geting the EU’s indifferent attitude. Meanwhile, of fear”, to provide a systematic explanation of

Italy and Spain welcomed generous medical aid how the capitalist world order undergoes pro-

delivered by China and Russia. Italy, as one of found transformations. The “capitalist world or-

the top troop contributors to the North Atlantic der” refers in this context to a system of global

Treaty Organization (NATO), went so far as to governance that institutionalizes a status quo

host Russian military personnel operating near of capitalist-imperialist cooperation and ex-

a US military base (Braw, 2020; Clark, 2020; pansion under the leadership of an imperialist

Smith, 2020). power or group of powers. The main argument

These cracks within the Atlantic Alliance in this article is that the cultivation and diffu-

seem to be accompanied by a rising Sinophobia. sion of a culture of fear erected on world-his-

French President Emmanuel Macron openly tar- torical disastrous events serve as an important

geted China with his statement, “There are clear- medium for the transformation of the world

ly things that have happened that we don't know order. In this context, we will draw on the ways

about” (Financial Times, 2020Financial Times (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). In his turn, US in which neoliberalism was globally instituted as

President Donald Trump publicly supported the organizing principle of the US-led world or-

claims that the pandemic originated in a lab in der in a political-economic and cultural context

Wuhan and went on to proclaim that he had de- constructed around disasters. The focus will be

cided to defund the World Health Organization on emblematic cases that illustrate the symbi-

(WHO) for its “insidious relations with Chi- otic relationship between neoliberalism and the

na” (Chomsky, 2020Chomsky (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). He insisted on branding culture of fear as a constitutive element of the

COVID-19 as the “Chinese disease” (The Con- US-centered world order: the Pinochet coup in

versation, 2020). Similarly, US Secretary of State Chile and Argentina’s military dictatorship era,

Mike Pompeo directed open threats at China: “shock therapy” economics in Russia, and the

“There will be a time when the people respon- US war on terror following 9/11. Our inferences

sible will be held accountable … There will be from these cases will then be used to perform an

a time for assigning blame” (Bild, 2020Bild (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Pom- anticipatory analysis of how the COVID-19 pan-

peo went so far as to name China “as the most demic may give way to a world-historical trans-

dangerous adversary for the United States and formation based on a rapidly spreading culture

for all Western governments”. He added: “We’re of fear. We will rely on the method of process

going to do the right things by building up our tracing, which uses logical reasoning by refer-

military” (Finnegan & Margolin, 2020Finnegan & Margolin (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Brit- ence to major events of historical importance,

ish Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab joined the as well as the preferences, goals, values, and per-

chorus by declaring, “We’ll have to ask the hard ceptions of global actors involved in these events

questions about how it came about and how it (Vennesson, 2008Vennesson (2008). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Bennett, 2010Bennett (2010). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Collier, 2011Collier (2011). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

couldn't have been stopped earlier … We can’t Our article is structured as follows. The first

have business as usual after this crisis” (France section will conceptually explain the symbiotic

24, 2020). relationship between disaster capitalism, neolib-

Against this backdrop, the present arti- eralism, and the culture of fear. The second sec-

cle aims to bridge the gap between the “disaster tion will be devoted to case studies that show-

case the said relationship. In the final section, regard, we believe that the study of “cultures of

we will recontextualize our research within the fear” would be helpful for a deeper understand-

framework of the COVID-19 pandemic. ing of the inner mechanism of disaster capital-

ism. A culture of fear is a system of beliefs, val-

Disaster Capitalism and the ues, and behavioral patterns rooted in negative

Culture of Fear emotions such as fear and terror, which can be

The term “disaster capitalism” was coined by used as “affective tools of government that come

Naomi Klein (2007Klein (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.), who based her conceptual into being as a modus of population manage-

framework on the critique of neoliberalism. In ment deployed by military, political, and ad-

her lexicon, neoliberalism refers to a policy par- ministrative actors” (Linke & Smith, 2009: 5Linke & Smith (2009). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). It

adigm defined by three landmark demands: pri- feeds off a strong sense of existential insecurity

vatization, government deregulation and deep that inflates the meaning of harm and fosters a

cuts to social spending. Her polemic against mood of mistrust. This is facilitated by simplis-

neoliberalism focuses especially on Milton tic blaming of the media and the propagation

Friedman, one of its most prominent neoliberal of alarmist reactions meshed with catastrophic

thinkers. Reflecting on Hurricane Katrina – one rhetoric (Furedi, 2018Furedi (2018). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). In certain cases, the end

of the most devastating natural disasters in US result is the formation and consolidation of an

history – Milton Friedman recommended the imagined community united against the threat

US government to dismantle its public educa- of the Other, whoever or whatever that might be.

tion system by extending the network of charter In this way, global capitalism can easily deploy a

schools and distributing vouchers to households securocratic language around disastrous events

for food access. Ultimately, Klein shows that the to emotionally mobilize popular support and ex-

Katrina disaster provided an opportunity for the ecute its own programmatic agenda conducive

Bush administration to implement Friedman’s to large-scale transformations in the world order

neoliberal recommendations with action (Klein, (Linke & Smith, 2009Linke & Smith (2009). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Ultimately, fear becomes

2007). Based on similar cases, Klein advances “a central figure of global social life” (Linke &

the argument that global capitalism instrumen- Smith, 2009: 4).

talizes man-made or natural disasters (e.g. mili-

tary coups, terrorist incidents, economic crises, Neoliberalism and Disaster

wars, earthquakes, tsunamis, hurricanes) for the Capitalism in Action

sake of advancing its own agenda of renewal and Chile is widely regarded as the first laboratory

reconstruction. According to her, such disori- of neoliberalism: the later structural adjust-

enting disasters help to suspend public debate ment programs of the International Monetary

and suppress democratic practices. This allows Fund (IMF) and the World Bank were modeled

capitalists to exploit the window of opportunity on the Chilean experiment. In fact, the case of

opened by traumatic shocks (Klein, 2007Klein (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Chile perfectly reveals how the roots of neo-

Undoubtedly, capitalism cannot suc- liberalism formed in world-historical disasters

ceed in rejuvenating itself merely through top- are constitutive of the US-centered world order.

down policy impositions. It needs to secure Chile’s socialist president Salvador Allende was

popular consent from the ground up. In this overthrown in 1973 by a military coup led by

Augusto Pinochet and actively supported by the military dictatorship when Isabel Perón's gov-

United States. In 1975, Chile transitioned to neo- ernment was overthrown by General Jorge Rafael

liberal capitalism under the guidance of the Chi- Videl as part of Operation Condor, a US-backed

cago Boys: neoliberal economic advisors, most campaign of state and paramilitary terror in sup-

of whom were trained at prominent American port of right-wing dictatorships in Latin Amer-

institutions such as at the University of Chicago, ica. This period – also called the Dirty War era

Harvard University, and the Massachusetts Insti- (1976–1983) – led to the disappearance of 30,000

tute of Technology (Klein, 2007Klein (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Chile’s neolib- people, along with other human rights violations

eral restructuring owed its power to wide-scale including child kidnappings (Hellinger, 2014Hellinger (2014). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

social pacification: the military junta cracked down on opposition forces and inculcated a culture of fear, ensuring compliance with neoliberal shock therapy measures. Estimates suggest that in the Pinochet era, more than 3,000 people disappeared and tens of thousands were jailed, tortured, and/or exiled. This repressive environment strengthened Pinochet’s hand in reducing import tariffs and social expenditure, abolishing price controls, carrying out mass privatization, and debilitating unions. Ultimately, Pinochet’s shock therapy exposed Chile to deep recessions in 1975 and 1982, and contributed to extreme levels of inequality. Chile’s Gini coefficient rose from around 0.45 in the mid-1970s to over 0.6 by the end of the 1980s (Taylor, 2006Taylor (2006). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Moreover, the replication of the Chilean model in the rest of the region resulted in disaster. The number of people in poverty in Latin America grew from 118 million in 1980 to 196 million in 1990. The region’s total foreign debt increased from US$31.3 billion in 1972 to US$430 billion in the late 1980s, and US$750 billion by the 2000s. In the period 1981–2000, average annual economic growth was only 1.6% in Argentina, 2.1% in Brazil, and 2.7% in Mexico (Arestis & Saad Filho 2007Saad Filho (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Saad Filho, 2007Saad Filho (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). The mobilization of fear through military

coups was also instrumental in the case of Ar- Salvador Allende at the meeting of the Workers'

gentina’s transition to neoliberalism under US United Center of Chile. https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/

Central_%C3%9Anica_de_Trabajadores_de_Chile influence. Argentina stepped into a long era of

This environment of public fear was used by the paved the way for Vladimir Putin’s rise to power

military junta to impose neoliberal restructur- (Baiman, Boushey, & Dawn, 2000: 210-217).

ing on the Argentine economy (Klein, 2007Klein (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). The post-9/11 conjuncture is an important

In 1976, thanks to US support for the military example of how the world order is shaped by the

dictatorship, Argentina was granted “the largest symbiotic relationship between disaster capital-

loan ever to a Latin American country” (Cooney, ism and the neoliberal culture of fear (Mendieta,

2007). In line with the newly adopted neoliberal 2011).

agenda, the country initiated a radical deindustrialization policy that accentuated agroindustry The collective trauma created by

in favor of the landed oligarchy. This process these attacks served as a historic

went hand in hand with financial deregulation opportunity for the United States

and the suppression of unions. Argentina wit- to launch the “war on terror”: a

nessed a record increase in foreign debt, from strategic campaign for restructuring

US$9.7 billion in 1976 to over US$45 billion in the world order in pursuit of its

1983 (Cooney, 2007Cooney (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). imperialist agenda.

A world-historical disaster of an even great- On September 11, 2001, four passenger er magnitude took place in Boris Yeltsin’s Rusplanes were hijacked by terrorists affiliated with sia in 1991–1999, following the collapse of the al-Qaeda. Two of the planes crashed into the Soviet Union. Yeltsin took advantage of the en- World Trade Center complex and the third into vironment of fear and confusion created by the the Pentagon, while the fourth plane crashed in disintegration of the Soviet Union to launch a a field near Shanksville, Pennsylvania. The atshock therapy campaign with the aim of liberaltacks claimed nearly 3,000 lives and resulted in izing the Russian economy. The campaign startmore than 25,000 injuries. The collective traued in 1992, with the IMF’s active support: Yeltsin ma created by these attacks served as a historic made a hasty move to liberalize prices and trade, opportunity for the United States to launch the which was followed by mass privatizations. An “war on terror”: a strategic campaign for restruc-

important side effect of these privatizations was turing the world order in pursuit of its imperi-

the emergence of a new stratum of Russian oli- alist agenda. As such, “the Bush administration

garchs feeding off rising corruption in the Yelt- outsourced, with no public debate, many of the

sin era (Bedirhanoğlu, 2004Bedirhanoğlu (2004). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). The shock thera- most sensitive and core functions of govern-

py resulted in average real pay falling by almost ment – from providing health care to soldiers,

50% in the period 1990–1995. Organized crime to interrogating prisoners, to gathering and ‘data

grew to such an extent that up to 80% of private mining’ information on all of us” (Klein, 2007:

banks and businesses in major cities were in- 12). The enacting of the USA Patriot Act ena-

volved with “mafia” organizations (Kotz & Weir, bled the government to suppress civil liberties

2007). In the long run, excessive liberalization and enhance the influence of the US military-

and indebtedness exposed Russia to the negative and prison-industrial complexes. Mass surveil-

effects of the 1997 Asian financial crisis. This lance and incarceration thus became the norm

eventually marked the end of the Yeltsin era and (Klein, 2007Klein (2007). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.; Mendieta, 2011Mendieta (2011). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). The driving agen-

E fe C a n G ür c a n - Ö m er E r s in Ka hr a m a n - C O VID - 1 9 in H is to r ic a l Per s pec tiv e: H ow D is a s ter C a pita lis m Fa b r ic a tes a Fea r- Ma na g ed Wor ld O r d er ?

da was not limited to reasserting the waning im- ed that the danger of the disease was highly ex-

portance of US interventionism in the absence aggerated. According to him, the pandemic is a

of the Soviet Union and reordering the Greater socially constructed phenomenon, which helps

Middle East with the aim of inhibiting the rise of governments to create a state of exception in de-

potential US rivals in Eurasia. The United States ploying extraordinary measures that might have

was also interested in refuelling its stagnating been difficult to implement under normal cir-

neoliberal economy based on a military stimu- cumstances. In other words, Agamben claimed

lus. This was particularly seen in the US occupathat governments purposefully exaggerated the tion of Afghanistan since 2001, the War on Iraq, risks of the pandemic in order to implement new and other interventions, for example in Libya social control devices and methods (Agamben, and Syria as part of the so-called Arab “Spring”. 2020). Though he may have underestimated the In summary, these cases demonstrate lethal potential of the pandemic, there seems to how disastrous events such as terrorist attacks, be some value in taking his “state of exception” state failures, and military coups lead to largethesis seriously. The pandemic of COVID-19 has scale transformations that open up new possi-

bilities for neoliberal restructuring on a global great potential to be used by capitalist forces to

scale. Disaster-led crises sweep away the condi- reinvent the capitalist system or postpone the

tions for healthy public deliberation; this process collapse of global capitalism by exploiting wide-

is facilitated by an authoritarian environment of spread anxiety and panic. By creating a culture

fear and confusion. Such an environment is eas- of fear that feeds off the COVID-19 disaster,

ily exploited by capitalist interests in favor of an global capitalism can potentially incapacitate

agenda of renewal and reconstruction. In par- anti-systemic forces through increased use of

ticular, the post-9/11 conjuncture strongly ex- new surveillance technologies and enhanced so-

emplifies the ways in which disaster capitalism cial-distancing strategies.

reproduces itself by deploying an Islamophobic culture of fear, where highly inflated and alarmist reactions help to reorganize the world order in line with the catastrophic rhetoric of the war on terror.

COVID-19 and the Collective Mobilization of Fear The above cases can give us valuable insights into the possible ways in which the COVID-19 pandemic may pave the way for a paradigm shift in the world order. Worthy of mention in this regard is Giorgio Agamben’s thesis of a “state of

exception”. In the early days of the COVID-19 Photo by Cottonbro from "Pexels"

"Fear of Coronavirus" pandemic, Italian philosopher Agamben assert-

It is known that infectious diseases can trig- prevent the forthcoming waves of poverty and

ger negative psychological effects such as hypo- chaos. Moreover, Žižek does not believe that

chondriasis and anxiety (Duncan et al., 2009Duncan et al. (2009). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). developing medical treatments or a vaccine will

The COVID-19 pandemic is no exception to this suffice to reverse the crisis of global capitalism

psychological peril. A case in point is a survey (Žižek, 2020Žižek (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Indeed, even when the pandemic

by Wang and his team, which reveals the psy- is brought under control, the markets may not

chological damage that the pandemic caused function as they used to, because the risk of a

in China during its early phases. In this study, new wave of COVID-19 could discourage in-

16.5% of respondents showed moderate to se- vestments and lead to monopolistic prices at the

vere depression symptoms while 28.8% of them expense of lower income groups.

experienced anxiety problems and 8.1% had high stress levels (Wang et al., 2020Wang et al. (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Similarly,

in a survey conducted during the lockdown pe- One possible explanation for this

riod in Italy, 17.3% of respondents said they had situation is that leading politicians

depression while 20.8% admitted having anxiety in Western societies are seeking to capitalize on a historical opportunity problems (Rossi et al., 2020Rossi et al. (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). In a similar vein, to reorganize global capitalism by the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the peojustifying extraordinary measures

ple of Italy to intense stress, closely associated through manufactured mass panic

with high levels of uncertainty as to how long it and Sinophobia.

will take for Italy to return to normal and wheth-

er the pandemic will affect loved ones (Monte- Žižek maintains that the pandemic can only

murro, 2020). The COVID-19 pandemic may be controlled by using a different paradigm to really have engendered a collective trauma and neoliberalism; that is, through large-scale measmass anxiety that can be easily taken advantage ures including government-imposed quaranof by global capitalism. tines. Furthermore, he points to the fact that Another important observer who anticthe spontaneous functioning of markets would ipates the potentially dangerous outcomes of eventually deepen the inequalities and hamper the COVID-19 pandemic is Slavoj Žižek. He access to basic necessities and services. As such, claims that there is no turning back to normal the risk of economic disaster can only be averted and that this pandemic will irreversibly change

our lives. Žižek implies that the pandemic will through globally coordinated efforts; not only in

have paradigm-shifting effects for the world. In the battle against the disease, but also in produc-

his opinion, the pandemic can only have two tion and distribution. In the meantime, Žižek

possible outcomes: either a new normal will be expresses optimism that this crisis presents a

constructed “on the ruins of our old lives” or a universal threat and therefore may give birth to

new form of barbarism will emerge (Žižek, 2020: global solidarity inasmuch as it invites us to re-

3). Žižek goes on to suggest that the pandemic consider “the very basic features of the society”.

has the potential to engender the worst socioec- In this sense, the WHO’s global coordination

onomic catastrophe since the Great Depression. efforts at leading this process based on precise

In this new period, markets will not be able to and scientific recommendations without causing

panic can be seen as a key catalyst for an emer- can encourage society as a whole to search for a

gent solidarity on a global scale (Žižek, 2020: 41Žižek (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). strong leader who will restore public order. This

This is in contrast to US efforts to delegitimize the is similar to how the incessant economic disas-

WHO by reference to its alleged “China-centric” ters in post–World War I Germany resulted in

approach (Deutsche Welle, 2020Deutsche Welle (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). the rise of the Nazis to power. Harari thus un-

In contrast to the WHO’s responsible ap- derlines how a crisis can be a turning point for

proach, certain world leaders are not interested a society, or a decisive moment to determine the

in following scientific guidance, preventing mass direction of history. The COVID-19 pandemic is

panic, or promoting global solidarity. Agamben exemplary of such a milestone. It marks one of

(2020) underlines the fact that public author- the deepest crises in recent history, which will

surely have serious ramifications, not only for ities – and the mass media – contribute to the public health but also for the global economy, diffusion of panic at first hand. For instance, world politics, and culture (Harari, 2020Harari (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Ac- Donald Trump has not restrained himself from cording to Harari, the human species will ceramplifying popular anxiety with his statements tainly survive the pandemic, but the world will highlighting the number of potential fatalities be subjected to a deep-seated structural crisis. from COVID-19; at the very beginning of the He goes on to argue that today’s political choicpandemic, these were estimated at somewhere es will greatly affect how the post-coronavirus between 100,000 and 240,000 (Mangan, 2020Mangan (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). world takes shape. Similarly, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson Similar to how Agamben cautions about a has not hesitated to stir mass panic by warning disease-induced “state of exception”, Harari rehis people to be prepared “to lose loved ones to fers to the “nature of emergencies”, underlining coronavirus” (Hughes & Payne, 2020Hughes & Payne (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Yet polithow these are “fast-forward historical processical restraint could have played a key role in rees”, and there are some “short-term emergency

ducing pandemic-related social risks. One pos- measures” that can be implemented to overcome

sible explanation for this situation is that leading the crisis (Harari, 2020Harari (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). We are already seeing

politicians in Western societies are seeking to the rapid proliferation of immature technolo-

capitalize on a historical opportunity to reorgan- gies such as distance-education platforms and

ize global capitalism by justifying extraordinary teleworking environments. The diffusion of such

measures through manufactured mass panic technologies in the post-coronavirus era may

and Sinophobia. Therefore, they are mobilizing result in the permanentizing of precarious labor

a culture of fear predicated on the COVID-19 practices (e.g. temporary employment, lower

disaster. As such, China’s geopolitical isolation wages, de-unionization, job insecurity) and the

can be used to re-industrialize capitalism in core intensification of labor exploitation (e.g. unpaid

countries, reverse the increasing Chinese influ- overtime and further disturbance of work-life

ence on global governance, and postpone the balance). Meanwhile, governments across the

multipolatization of the world order. world have already declared states of emergen-

Yuval Noah Harari’s warnings buttress cy and started to take extraordinary measures to

this possibility of exploiting the disaster for a counter the pandemic. One of these measures is

fear-driven political agenda. A state of horror the implementation of new surveillance technol-

triggered by economic and social turbulence ogies on the pretext of controlling the contagion.

For instance, the UK government has adapted its Such tendencies – which are facial recognition systems to identify COVID-19 perhaps most strongly reflected victims (Tovey, 2020Tovey (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Another case in point is in a Sinophobic culture of fear in how Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Western nations – evoke the pre-

has authorized the use of surveillance technolo- World War II period during which

gy, normally designed for anti-terrorist activities protectionism increasingly gained

(Harari, 2020Harari (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Coupled with the proliferation currency and minorities such as

of mass anxiety, “social” isolation and new sur- Jews and Roma were persecuted.

veillance technologies, the perpetuation of au-

thoritarian government practices may seriously In this sense, mass surveillance on social

undermine the mobilizing potential of popular media platforms such as YouTube, WhatsApp,

movements against neoliberal capitalism and Twitter, and Facebook – as well as banning and

imperialism. These possibilities parallel Harari’s removing content associated with “false” news

observations: he suggests that the implementa- and “conspiracy” – risk generating new forms of

tion of biological and emotional surveillance is censorship to sustain the relations of domination

another possible outcome. What is more, once and oppression. While Harari shares Žižek’s opti-

these measures are normalized, they may be- mism about the prospects for global cooperation,

come permanent, in the same way as the ex- he also cautions that these prospects are threat-

traordinary antiterrorist measures adopted in ened by a growing tendency towards scapegoat-

the post-9/11 era (Harari, 2020Harari (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). ing or targeting minorities and rival nations. Such

According to Harari, our political choices tendencies – which are perhaps most strongly

are the important things. Like Žižek, he believes reflected in a Sinophobic culture of fear in West-

that we need a global plan that avoids isolation- ern nations – evoke the pre-World War II period

ism and encourages the free flow of information during which protectionism increasingly gained

and equipment all over the globe, since the pan- currency and minorities such as Jews and Roma

demic cannot be regionally contained. Moreo- were persecuted. At this point, Žižek calls for

ver, global cooperation requires stronger trust in caution about a possible return to the premodern

science and close care for personal hygiene, reg- state of reason after COVID-19 (Žižek, 2020: 14Žižek (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

ular handwashing, and physical distancing. Just Even though developed countries benefit from

as Žižek advocates a stronger state to deal with higher educational standards, their citizens can

the crisis, Harari maintains that the state’s role be prone to anthropomorphizing the COVID-19

is crucial in this period and surveillance is nec- pandemic. The origins of this regression of reason

essary to overcome the pandemic. However, he may be found in mass anxiety and panic, which

also cautions that data collected for this purpose are further provoked by political authorities and

should not be exploited to invent “an all-pow- corporate media (Žižek, 2020Žižek (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.).

erful government” (Harari, 2020Harari (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). According to According to Žižek, rational thinking dic-

Harari, more dangerous than the disease itself is tates the necessity for collective struggle against

“our own hatred, greed and ignorance”, which the pandemic and stronger social policies geared

may even set the stage for a new dictatorship un- towards protecting society as a whole. On any

der mass panic (Deutsche Welle, 2020, April 22Deutsche Welle (2020). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). account, Žižek reasons that our health and wel-

fare are inextricably linked to those of others, a ubiquitous rise in unemployment and debts,

which brings forth the principle of altruism at and a cascade of bankruptcies across the world.

the expense of absolute individualism. Howev- On the other, it may have already started to cre-

er, in the case of COVID-19, Žižek’s reasoning ate material conditions for the reproduction of

does not seem to fit the facts. Individualism may neoliberal individualism. Perhaps most impor-

well be taking on increasing importance to the tantly, the meaning of self-quarantine against

extent that people have started to see others, not COVID-19 may be extended from mere home

only as potential rivals in the marketplace, but isolation to the normalization of self-interested

as “biological threats”. Enhanced individualism behavior. When society allows itself to be taken

also has the potential to atomize society by fos- over by fear, individuals become more prone to

tering anxiety, especially when individuals with- pursuing nothing else but their own well-being

and daily survival. In this environment, those in draw themselves into their own private domains power positions could easily seize the moment and see the public domain as inherently threatto reshape the public domain in line with their ening. Such perceptions can be easily manipuagenda. This means that the COVID-19 panlated by political authorities such as Trump and demic may not be the absolute end of neoliberal- Johnson, who are interested in taking advantage ism per se, even though it has exposed the deepof disastrous situations. Put differently, a panic ening of the crisis of global capitalism. Under environment facilitated by public authorities the influence of self-interested politicians, mass may result in increased mass anxiety as a coping anxiety – as a popular self-defence mechanism

mechanism in the face of disastrous or threaten- against dangerous situations – risks the retreat-

ing situations. ing of individuals, not only into their apartments

but also into their narrow individual interests.

Review and Discussion The history of neoliberalism since the 1970s shows how global capitalism can shape the world order by instrumentalizing disastrous events. Inculcating a culture of fear serves as a strategic means to legitimize paradigmatic policy shifts so as to radically alter the structure of the world order. A characteristic of such cultural practices is the deployment of a securocratic language around disaster, similar to the anticommunism of putschists in Latin America and the case of post 9/11 Islamophobia. Military, political, and

(Portugal News,2018Portugal News (2018). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.) administrative actors capitalize on heightening

feelings of existential insecurity, panic, and anx-

On the one hand, the COVID-19 pandem- iety, resulting from disasters such as the collapse

ic may further exacerbate the global economic of the Soviet Union. As such, they can encourage

crisis, with the total disappearance of growth, alarmist reactions and exploit the people’s affec-

tive situation so as to impose drastic measures world political structure and overcome the 2001

without democratic deliberation. recession. The rise of social isolationism – due to

In a similar direction, there are early signs mass fear of pandemics and authoritarian gov-

that COVID-19 is being fed into a culture of ernment practices under surveillance capitalism

fear to rejuvenate the US-centered world order. – is likely to disperse attempts at popular mo-

In the Western world, right-wing populist lead- bilization. While the justification of surveillance

ers weaponize COVID-19 in the expectation of for public emergency may perpetuate a stronger

mobilizing popular support and marshaling all form of surveillance capitalism, it is also possi-

resources to restore the legitimacy of global cap- ble that the proliferation of distance-working

italism. In doing so, they resort to Sinophobia technologies will lead to a deep transformation

and demonize China as a “common enemy”, in in global labor regimes and an unprecedent-

the hope of reversing the multipolarization of ed growth in the “precariat”. The precariat can

world politics. Clearly, the US and its Western be understood here as a working-class stratum

allies are concerned about the fact that their mo- that “consists of people living through insecure

nopoly over global governance institutions such jobs interspersed with periods of unemploy-

as the WHO is being challenged by China and ment or labour-force withdrawal (misnamed

other developing countries. To reverse this situa- as ‘economic inactivity’) and living insecure-

tion, they invest in geopolitically isolating China ly, with uncertain access to housing and public

from international trade and global governance resources” (Standing, 2014a: 16Standing (2014b). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). Coupled with

by blaming China for COVID-19. For Trump, economic crisis and heightened competition in

increasing Sinophobia can also be exploited to the labor market, distance-working technologies

radically transform the division of labor global have great potential to endanger representation,

capitalism with the pretext of “bringing manu- employment, and income security by facilitating

facturing jobs back home”. de-unionization, employment flexibility, arbi-

Overall, one cannot easily foresee in what trary dismissals, wage cuts, and a lack of social

direction COVID-19 will affect the world order. security (Standing, 2014bStanding (2014b). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). One could thus an-

In the meantime, this pandemic as a disaster re- ticipate substantial increases in household debts

veals the crisis of neoliberal globalization and and work-from-home monitoring that violates

the ineffectiveness of US-led global governance. workers’ private life.

It creates a perfect opportunity for capitalism to As is often the case, capitalism’s real agenda

launch a process of creative destruction, which may be hidden behind positivist and empiricist

has been much needed since the 2007–2008 fi- discourses, which pretend to pursue the public

nancial crisis. Interestingly, The Economist pre- interest in the name of science. Yet the danger

dicted in an article published in 1999 that the cannot be overcome by merely subjugating pol-

world economy would see the prospect of a new itics to science and rational thinking. In moder-

paradigm change in 2020 (The Economist, 1999The Economist (1999). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). nity, knowledge itself is the source of power and

From a similar perspective, one could argue that technocratic discourses can be used to veil the

the COVID-19 pandemic offers a suitable mo- true nature of authority (Habermas, 2015Habermas (2015). The source article does not provide a separate full bibliographic entry for this citation.). The

ment for the reorganization of markets in a way battle against COVID-19 is thus to be merged

reminiscent of how the 9/11 terrorist attacks with the battle against neoliberal capitalism

brought about the opportunity to reform the and the relations of domination and oppression

in the world order. This being said, the battle international/bild-international/mike-pompeo-on-

against COVID-19 cannot be reduced to a mere bild-live-china-will-be-liable-for-the-damage-done-

by-coronavirus-70022820.bild.html choice between the empowerment of the indi- Braw, E. (2020, March 30). Beware of Bad Samaritans.

vidual and that of the state, or public versus pri- Foreign Policy. Retrieved from https://foreignpolicy.

vate measures. One should consider the fact that com/2020/03/30/russia-china-coronavirus-

these distinctions are of an illusory character in- geopolitics/

somuch as the individual’s perception of threat Caşın, M. H. (2020, April 18). US-China virus clash

could escalate into hot war, expert warns. Anadolu

is shaped through public channels of informa- Ajansı. Retrieved from https://www.aa.com.tr/en/

tion. All of this raises another crucial question: latest-on-coronavirus-outbreak/us-china-

How will global institutions be transformed in virus-clash-could-escalate-into-hot-war-expert-

this period of disaster? Rather than merely fram- warns/1809536

Chomsky, N. (2020, April 17). Gangster in the White ing today’s dilemma in terms of the individual House: Noam Chomsky on COVID-19, WHO,

versus the state, one could focus on whether our China, Gaza and global capitalism. Democracy

institutions will be reorganized according to Now. Retrieved from https://www.democracynow.

the needs of markets or the working classes. As org/2020/4/17/noam_chomsky_coronavirus_trump_

gaza_palestine Žižek cautions, this is not a moment to confront Clark, R. (2020, April 1). Spain and Italy have been

“the ultimate abyss of our being” (Žižek, 2020: abandoned by the EU. Spectator. Retrieved from

112). Even though we are “socially” isolated and https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/spain-and-italy-

withdrawn into our private enclaves, our collec- have-been-abandoned-by-the-eu

tive future largely depends on major transforma- Collier, D. (2011). Understanding process tracing.

Political Science & Politics, 44(4), 823-30. tions in the public sphere. Cooney, P. (2007). Argentina s quarter century experiment with neoliberalism: from dictatorship to

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